Is Quantifier Raising a Diagnostic for Finiteness in Mandarin Chinese?

Overview & Synopsis

Is Quantifier Raising a Diagnostic for Finiteness in Mandarin Chinese? 0. Introduction. The relevance of finiteness and the TP category for describing Mandarin Chinese syntax is still controversial (Lin, 2015; Grano, 2017). Lin (2013) uses the availability of quantifier raising (QR) as a proof for the distinction between finite and non-finite clauses in embedded environments in Chinese. Crucially, he argues that QR is blocked in some clauses but available in others, and that the difference is about finiteness: the [+Finite] feature of T blocks the covert movement of quantifiers . 1. The study. This study experimentally tests this claim in a larger population using a truth-value judgment task (TVJT). A 2×2 factorial design manipulated Clause Type (“finite” vs. “non-finite”) and quantifiers’ Scope Type (surface vs. inverse). Target sentences contained embedded clauses with two quantifiers, and finiteness (presumed) was manipulated by the matrix verb type (zhidao “know” vs yaoqiu “demand”, according to Lin 2013, selecting finite and non-finite clauses respectively.). After each target sentence, participants judged a paraphrase underlying either a surface-scope (no QR) or an inverse-scope (QR) interpretation, indicating whether the paraphrase was semantically compatible with the target sentence. An example of a full item is given in (1-4), partly translated into English. This method directly tested whether participants could access one given scope reading. Data were collected from 41 native Mandarin speakers on Ibex Farm. (1) Condition 1 (Finte clause, Surface Scope): Target sentence: Dianyuzhang zhidao you yi-wei yujing jianguan mei yi-ge fanren ‘The warden knows that there is a guard who watches over every prisoner.’ TVJT: The situation the warden knows is that there is only one prison guard who watches over all the prisoners, altogether only one prison guard is needed. (2)Condition 2 (Finite clause, Inverse Scope): Target sentence: Dianyuzhang zhidao you yi-wei yujing jianguan mei yi-ge fanren ‘The warden knows that there is a guard who watches over every prisoner.’ TVJT: The situation the warden knows is that each prisoner needs to be watched over by a prison guard, altogether multiple prison guards are needed. (3)Condition 3 (Non-finite clause, Surface Scope): Target sentence: Dianyuzhang yaoqiu you yi-wei yujing jianguan mei yi-ge fanren ‘The warden demands that there be a guard who watches over every prisoner.’ TVJT: The demand of the warden is that there should be only one prison guard who watches over all the prisoners, altogether only one prison guard is needed. (4)Condition 4 (Non-finite clause, Inverse Scope): Target sentence: Dianyuzhang yaoqiu you yi-wei yujing jianguan mei yi-ge fanren ‘The warden knows that there be a guard who watches over every prisoner.’ TVJT: The demand of the warden is that each prisoner needs to be watched over by a prison guard, altogether multiple prison guards are needed. 2. Results. Generalized linear mixed-effects modeling revealed no significant effect of clause type (p = 0.144) and no interaction with scope type (p = 0.720), suggesting that the availability of QR is not affected by clause type. By contrast, surface scope readings were consistently more acceptable than inverse scope readings (p = 0.001). Moreover, participants displayed stable and exclusive preferences for one interpretation: some consistently favored inverse scope across conditions, while others consistently favored surface scope. These strong individual preferences may have masked some subtle influence of clause type and finiteness. These findings challenge the empirical basis of using QR as evidence for finiteness distinctions in Mandarin and provide methodological insights for future work in experimental syntax. References: Grano, T. (2017). Finiteness contrasts without Tense? A view from Mandarin Chinese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 26, 259-299. Lin, T. H. J. (2013). QR and finiteness. Deep insights, broad perspectives: Essays in honor of Mamoru Saito. Tokyo: Kaitakusha, 275-291. Lin, T. H. J. (2015). Tense in mandarin Chinese sentences. Syntax, 18(3), 320-342.